There is a thought experiment that philosophers have returned to for centuries. It goes like this: Imagine your own death. Not the circumstances surrounding it, not the grief of the people you leave behind, but the thing itself: the absolute cessation of your existence. The lights going out and staying out. Where you used to be, simply nothing.
If you’re like many people, you’ll find you can’t hold this thought for long. It slips from your mind like ice from a hand, and suddenly you’re musing about what you would want at your funeral, or whether you remembered to text someone back, or what nothing even means, philosophically speaking. A growing body of research suggests that this difficulty we have fathoming our death is not a failure of imagination but a feature of human design.
Our brains tell us our death is irrelevant
A 2019 NeuroImage study found that the human brain actively resists prompts to consider self-death. This is surprising because the brain is constantly running predictions. It builds a model of what it expects to see next then emits a small signal when reality deviates. That signal is how the brain learns, and it’s supposed to fire automatically. But when the study’s two dozen participants were shown pictures of their own face alongside words evoking death or ending, a significant portion of their neural signals — tracked using a neuroimaging technique called magnetoencephalography — went quiet, a shift that happens when the brain is presented with information it deems uncredible, inapplicable, and unworthy of updating the way it already thinks for.
When a stranger’s face was paired with the same words, however, scientists got a null result, meaning by and large, participants’ brains were firing those expected neural signals. It was only the self-death pairing that triggered the shutdown. “The brain does not accept that death is related to us,” the study’s lead author Yair Dor-Ziderman told the Guardian.
The country’s growing death positivity movement [asks us] to do the very thing our brains have seemingly evolved to not do: face our inevitable demise.
Psychologists have spent decades documenting death denial at the behavioral level, but until Dor-Ziderman’s team published their study, no one had been able to point to the corresponding mechanism in the brain. Their work offers the first plausible neural account: not an account of a brain region or an emotion activated to deny death but of a specific failure of the predictive machinery that the brain otherwise runs constantly.
We are split on death’s role in life
Dor-Ziderman’s research comes at a time when Americans are renegotiating their relationship to mortality en masse.
Death cafes, gatherings where strangers meet to eat cake and talk openly about dying, have spread to hundreds of cities. In 2025, an estimated 63% of people who died in the U.S. were cremated — a proportion that’s roughly doubled since 2005 and a sign of how decisively Americans have walked away from traditional burial. From 2019 to 2023, the National End-of-Life Doula Alliance’s (NEDA) membership grew from 262 to more than 1,500, revealing a pandemic-era surge in interest in guiding the dying and their families through their final days.
These are just a couple facets of the country’s growing death positivity movement, which asks people to engage deliberately and honestly with the reality of their own mortality. It asks us, in other words, to do the very thing our brains have seemingly evolved to not do: face our inevitable demise.
At the other end of the cultural spectrum, a smaller but louder movement is doing something stranger: refusing the premise of death altogether.
The longevity scene, epitomized by Bryan Johnson — the tech entrepreneur who reportedly spends millions of dollars on supplements, scans, and experimental therapies under the banner “Don’t Die” — treats mortality not as a fact to be metabolized but as an engineering problem to be solved. Where the death positivity movement asks the brain to sit with what it has evolved to suppress, the longevity movement offers the organ exactly what it wants: a reason to believe that the suppression is correct, that death is something that only happens to other people, and that, with enough optimization, it might not happen at all.
The infrastructure of denial is central to American death culture, built institution by institution over more than a century through hospitals, funeral homes, and Medicare billing codes that make dying expensive and invisible. But it’s just one manifestation of the human brain’s resistance to our mortality.
In Mexico, mourners build altars to honor the dead; in Japan, they use bone-handling rituals. Such cultural norms swap the denial of death for an ongoing investment in our existence beyond the veil: tending to the dead, keeping them present, treating mortality as a relationship to nurture. Compared to avoidance, could such impulses be healthier for brains bent on blunting the inevitable?
Neuroscience hints at a middle path
What neuroscience offers is not a solution to our dodginess around death but something closer to a diagnosis: As a species, we evolved to survive in a civilization designed to help us forget that surviving is temporary. So we are left to reckon slowly, partially, and against our own biology with the cost of that arrangement. The lights are going to go out. The brain will keep insisting, right up until they do, that this is someone else’s problem.
Terror management theory, which has organized decades of research around this dissonance, makes a sweeping claim: that a vast amount of human social behavior — wars, religion, cults, monuments, the very need to matter — is downstream of a biological system trying to manage an unbearable fact.
Theorists have a name for what happens when the veil slips, allowing someone to see their end: mortality salience. When people are reminded that they will die, even if it’s by something subtle, like walking past a funeral home or answering a survey near a cemetery, many show a measurable increase in defensive behavior (though it’s worth noting that recent reputable replications of this research have failed). Some become more hostile toward people whose worldviews differ from their own, or cling harder to in-group identities. They show stronger investment in symbolic systems of meaning: religion, national identity, legacy, the idea that something of themselves will persist. Neuroimaging research points in the same direction. In fMRI studies, prompts asking participants to consider their mortality have been shown to activate the amygdala, the anterior cingulate cortex, and the caudate nucleus, all parts of the brain’s threat detection and conflict resolution framework.
What is striking about the death positivity movement, viewed through this lens, is not that it’s radical. It’s that it is asking something very specific of a very resistant organ. The death cafe is a structured, repeated exposure to mortality salience in a context designed to make that salience bearable using community, warmth, sweets, and solidarity with other people who are also still alive and afraid. The death doula is someone who has, in some sense, made a practice of staying present at the exact moment a dying person’s denial architecture is collapsing.
Whether any of this works, whether you can genuinely counterprogram a brain that’s evolved to suppress the self’s death, is a question the research hasn’t yet answered. But that may be changing. A 2018 meta-analysis found, for example, that cognitive behavioral therapy built around graded exposure to death-related stimuli greatly improved death anxiety. That is the closest thing to a positive verdict on the premise of the death positivity movement: that you can dose the fear deliberately, in small, repeated increments, and watch it lose some of its grip.
This growing neuroscience research, coupled with the varying approaches to dealing with death throughout the world, shows that denial is far from the only path forward. If a seemingly shared neurological reality can be met with altars instead of fluorescent rooms, maybe the brain is not simply a wall. Maybe it’s also a door.

